This time, with reinforced backing, he needs to send out the right signals and take the right decisions The lawns of the All India Congress Committee (aicc) office on 24 March bristled with business-like activity from the early hours of the day. Workers were busy setting up a pandal and a stage under the watchful eyes of security personnel. Liveried employees of Delhi's foremost designer caterer, Marut Sikka, were laying out a feast for the media-persons who would descend on the place shortly. A function was to be held in the forenoon to release the party's manifesto for the upcoming Lok Sabha election. Shortly before the appointed hour, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's motorcade arrived at 10 Janpath, residence of Congress president Sonia Gandhi, which adjoins the party office. Sonia received Manmohan at the gate and the two went inside. Hacks, who had arrived early to get vantage seats near the stage, commented that the two were possibly rehearsing the lines for the media interaction! But there were no big-bang announcements at the press conference that followed. In fact, there were hardly any questions on the contents of the manifesto itself. Sonia oozed confidence about her party's prospects and proclaimed Manmohan as its prime ministerial candidate. Manmohan, for a change, went political, deprecating Varun Gandhi's recent comments and tearing into his bjp rival, L.K. Advani's credentials for the prime minister's job. He was roundly cheered by Sonia. As the assembly broke for lunch, everybody forgot the manifesto. As the upa stormed back to power on 16 May, amidst bursting of crackers and chanting of slogans, the manifesto was one of the most sought-after documents in the national capital by industry chambers, as they scrambled their wish-lists; by corporate middlemen, as they sought to re-establish their lines; and by foreign embassies, as they looked for fresh leads into the incoming government's behaviour. Drafted by a committee headed by stand-in finance minister Pranab Mukherjee, the manifesto is no earth-shaking document. Yet, it offers solid clues to the new government's priorities in the social sector. Farmers, for instance, would continue to be the focus of attention, with the possibility of interest relief being extended to those who repay bank loans on schedule. The government, if one reads between the lines of the manifesto, will use the next five years in power to strengthen its social base through welfare schemes. The goal will be to politically cash in on these schemes after five years, to secure a majority or a comfortable near-majority in the next Lok Sabha election. This would smooth out the proposed ascension of Rahul Gandhi, the heir-in-waiting, to the highest office of the land, if the party is still in power. Congressmen have already begun falling over each other, congratulating Rahul and attributing the party's success to his gritty resolve on issues like going it alone in Uttar Pradesh, targeting the youth, and marketing Manmohan as the prime ministerial candidate. Party strategists say that since the success of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (nrega), first promised by the party in its 2004 election manifesto, contributed significantly to the current electoral outcome, its outlay will be stepped up significantly. The manifesto promises 100 days of real work at a wage of Rsl00 a day (currently Rs80 in most states) for everyone. However, the former minister of state for commerce, Jairam Ramesh, adds that the new government will draw on the lessons of social audits that have pointed to weaknesses in the scheme. Along the lines of nrega, the government will enact a National Food Security Act that guarantees access to sufficient food for all people: every family living in poverty - either in rural or urban areas - will be entitled, by law, to 25 kg of rice or wheat per month at Rs3 per kg. Subsidised kitchens will be set up in all cities for homeless people with the support of the Central government. There will be a comprehensive social security to Hhose at special risk like single (women, the disabled and the elderly. / Families living below the poverty line I will be given health insurance. The Congress, which has emerged reasonably stronger after the elections, is confident that it will now be in a position to dictate this agenda to the rest of the ruling coalition. Outgoing science and technology minister Kapil Sibal notes, "For one thing, the Left is now off our backs and we can safely push a reforms agenda. The dmk, Nationalist Congress Party and Trinamool Congress, who will be non-Congress key players in the new dispensation, are basically like-minded parties." If the manifesto is followed in letter and spirit, the government will offer scholarships or loans without collateral for quality education and have a nation-wide skill development programme, mooted sometime back by the National Knowledge Commission chairman, Sam Pitroda. The stepped up government expenditure can only be funded if there is rapid economic growth, considering the fact that the incoming government has reiterated its commitment to fiscal responsibility. The manifesto states that one of the ways out could be to refocus subsidies and ensure that they reach only the needy and poor sections of society. But the government will need to develop a national consensus on this, first within the ruling coalition and then across Parliament and then across the states. Disinvestment may begin afresh and the manifesto talks of Indian people "having every right to own shares of public sector undertakings". Amit Mitra, secretary general, ficci, says, "Disinvestment (if not privatisation) should be initiated immediately to bridge the fiscal deficit." During his election campaign, Manmohan promised to fix the economy in 100 days if voted to power. While it would be naive to take Manmohan totally at his word, 100 days could be a good benchmark for the pm to send out some right signals. The first signal that he can send out is to assign key ministries to competent and credible people. From all accounts, it will not be too difficult an exercise and the Congress is currently in a position to call the shots. The pm can insist on giving core portfolios to those who are in tune with his economic thinking. He can give the finance minister portfolio to someone blessed with out-of-the-box thinking. A possible candidate could be Planning Commission deputy chairman, Montek Singh Ahluwalia. He can be brought to the Rajya Sabha from Punjab, where the Congress had done exceptionally well. Besides, politicians like Ram Vilas Paswan, who had grabbed three portfolios (steel, chemicals and fertilisers) without performing in any of them, have been defeated. His political comrade-inarms, Lalu Prasad Yadav, has been suitably chastised. Of course, the dmk's decent faring in Tamil Nadu could see the re-emergence of some member of Karuna-nidhi's family in the new Cabinet. Similarly, Mamata Banerjee will make a comeback at the Centre. Sharad Pawar may also lobby for a more plum portfolio. The appointments in the Cabinet will need to be done carefully; otherwise it may botch the newly-built confidence. Indeed, the Congress made a shrewd move on the day the results were declared by deciding to keep the Samajwadi Party (sp) - which has said it will settle only for power, defence and petroleum portfolios - out of the power-sharing arrangement. However, the Congress' revival in Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Uttarakhand could put pressure on the pm and Sonia to give due representation in the council of ministers to mps from these Hindi heartland states. Similarly, cognisance will have to be given to the party's stellar showing in Andhra Pradesh and Kerala. But it is here that the pm will have to show resoluteness. The next big event for the incoming government would be the Budget, which could be presented anytime between June-end to July-beginning. Subir Gokarn, chief economist, Standard & Poor's Asia Pacific, said that there should be an announcement of concrete steps for funding of infrastructure projects. The greater investment in infrastructure will provide a fillip to demand for goods and services. What can the new government do in specific terms? There has been a suggestion that it can select a specific number of cross-sector projects of national importance and commit to on-time, on-cost delivery. The government can turn to agriculture to generate demand. A simple way out would be to raise funds for irrigation and r&d in agriculture. Other economists have spoken of grander ideas like ushering in the second Green Revolution, with encouragement by banks to invest in cold chains and the corporate sector in seed technology. "The government has its task cut out with more than $700 billion worth of investments to be channelled into India's infrastructure, power, telecom and pharma sectors over the next five years to provide an aspirational growth of 10 per cent," says Bundeep Singh Rangar, chairman of Indus View Advisors. With the Left clearly out of vicinity of the new power centre in Delhi, the Indo-US nuclear deal would now witness smooth sailing. With civilian nuclear agreements in place with the US, Russia, France and Kazakhstan, nuclear commerce may begin shortly. Having come close to the half-way mark, the upa now needs the support of Chiranjivi's Praja Rajyam Party, the National Conference and smaller parties from the Northeast, as well as the independents, to reach the total of 272. Thus, this summer's electoral A outcome could turn out to be Manmohan Singh's best bet to deliver on the economy.