The Centre for Science and Environment CSE has been doing research on health and environment in the public interest. But most government agencies, which are there to serve the people, not only refuse to share information but also create obstacl
The Assembly elections in Meghalaya are barely away, due only on March 3 Thus, the poll campaign is at its zenith with leaders of various political parties exploiting all possible options left with them in their efforts to woo voters. But, the average citizen, especially in the State capital, Shillong, at present seems to be more concerned about the volatile issue of uranium mining in West Khasi Hills district of Meghalaya than the upcoming elections. Indeed, the one and only reason for their growing anxiety is the Union Environment and Forest Ministry giving clearance, though conditional, last December to the Uranium Corporation of India Limited (UCIL) for going ahead with the proposed uranium mining at Kylleng-Pyndeng-Sohiong area in the district. With its nod coinciding with the ongoing poll campaign in the State, the one question that may arise in a curious mind is: Will the project at all materialise in the immediate future? Well, before trying to find an answer to it, all we probably need to do is on what basis or ground or how did the concerned Ministry feel it necessary to give the clearance to the UCIL to proceed with its plan. Broadly speaking, the manner the former has acted and granted the licence to the latter for uranium mining can barely leave anyone in doubt about the authenticity of its action. The entire process has been both legal and constitutional. The Ministry has, as reported, in the press, given its consent on the basis of the report of the public hearing on the proposed commercial uranium mining in the State's West Khasi Hills district, submitted by the State Pollution Control Board (SPCB). Therefore, under no circumstances, the Environment and Forest Ministry's action can be debatable and unconstitutional. If the Union ministry's action is looked upon as being lawful, what about the SPCB? Has it behaved in the similar fashion as the former? There are some people who are of the view that the report on the uranium mining submitted to the Centre by the SPCB after it carried out the public hearing on the uranium mining was far-fetched, groundless, and fabricated. Although it is an uphill task to infer who are right or wrong in this affair, if the newspaper reports on the outcome of the public hearing are to be believed, the SPCB could seldom recommend the Centre to give the permission to the UCIL to go ahead with the mining of uranium ores. What, however, has been unbecoming of the SPCB is that it had carried out the hearing when the situation in Khasi district was volatile following the influencial Khasi Student Union's weeks-long vigorous campaign aimed at mounting pressure on the Congress-led Meghalaya Democratic Alliance (MDA) government in the State to stop the hearing on the mining issue. The agitation began with their activists' two-day office picketing on June 4 last, and ended with the 36-hour bandh beginning June 11, crippling the normal life, especially in Shillong. Earlier, the student body had even reportedly given an ultimatum to the State government to scuttle it or face "agitation'. But, having skirted all these developments, the SPCB went ahead and held the public hearing as scheduled, on June 11 to garner public opinion on the proposed mining. It took place at Nongbah-Jyorin in the State's West Khasi Hills district, near Mawthabah, an economically run-down, somnolent village some 150 km from the capital. The hearing was though conducted by the SPCB as per a notification of the Union government under the supervision of the State government. No doubt, therefore, the SPCB was duty-bound to do so. But the point is that when sections of the people in the State were at that time up in arms against the proposed mining project at Kylleng-Pyndengsohiong in the West Khasi Hills region, was it not necessary on the part of either the State government or the SPCB to keep the process on hold for a future date in consultation with the Central government until the popular outcry died down, if not possible to cancel it for the time being. From it's modus operandi, it seems that the SPCB was under an illusion that in spite of the KSU's threat to agitation, most of those who would attend the hearing from the nearby villages would speak up for the project that would, in turn, enable the SPCB to prepare a favourable report, and send the same to the Union Environment and Forest Ministry. But, the entire exercise ultimately was one just contrary to their expectation. In fact, a majority of the people reportedly argued against mining. If that was what was the actual position of the public hearing, the question that arises in mind is how could then the concerned ministry issue such a licence to the UCIL for commercial mining without verifying it? Another question is why the Centre did hurriedly give the UCIL the green signal for the purpose when the MDA government in the State, the major partner of which is the Congress, itself is a house of contradictions and divided on the issue with two of its constituents, the Hill State People's Democratic Party (HSPDP) and that Khun Hynniowtrep National Awakening Movement (KHNAM), declaring their opposition to the mining long before, citing a likely health hazard, ecological disaster etc, as the reason for it, and, when the Assembly polls are just on the cards. This hasty move on the part of the Centre has triggered a deep sense of dissatisfaction among sections of people in the State. The Meghalaya People's Human Rights Commission (MPHRC) has already threatened to move the Apex Court in the country if the State issue a "no objection' certificate for the mining. If the Commission at all does so in the event of the State government giving the nod to the UCIL in the near future, there will hardly remain any valid reason for anyone to raise an accusing finger at it, simply because the MPHRC has before the public hearing on the issue last year cited the reasons for its opposition to the proposed mining, in a report to the Union Ministry of Environment and Forests, through the SPCB. But then, the Manmohan Singh-led UPA government at the Centre has showed a total lack of political shrewdness in this regard that goes without saying. After all the State Assembly polls are nearby, and his party, the Congress, is one of the coalition partners in the MDA government. It could have put it on hold till the elections. Now that the Centre has accorded environmental clearance to the UCIL for the mining, the State unit of the party is palpably in a quandary. It is because of this reason that the ruling Congress under DD Lapang is now desperately trying to bail out of any further controversy. It has asked the political parties to come up with their suggestions before the government decides on whether to allow the mining. But, unfortunately for the ruling party leadership all the political parties barring, indeed, its major ally United Democratic Party (UDP), have declared their opposition to the mining. Even the Congress's other two MDA partners, the HSPDP and the KHNAM, have also voiced their displeasure on the issue in the KSU-organised all-party meeting of January 12 last. All these developments, it is apprehended, may impact its showing in the upcoming polls to some extent, in the West Khasi Hills district, if not beyond it. If today there is uproar over the proposed uranium mining in the State slowly and steadily gaining momentum, or scepticism or even dread about its effects among sections of the people in the State, it is primarily the UCIL and the concerned ministry who are only to blame for this sorry state of affairs. Honestly speaking, the apprehension among the people, especially those from Domiasiat, a tiny village about 150 km from Shillong, mostly underprivileged and illiterate, with regard to serious health and environmental hazards at the site and its adjacent areas, began to grow ever since the UCIL had initiated the experimental mining there way back in 1991. It finished the job in 2005, after a long stint of 14 years. But during the period neither the UCIL or the Centre did care to do anything precious to clear the doubt from their minds. Had they at the very outset campaigned about its economic significance among them through print and electronic media in particular, or the good effects of the proposed commercial mining, by this time they could have gone ahead almost unopposed. But because of their laxity in doing so, they are palpably in quagmire. So is the ruling party too.
Spring is not far away and the villagers of Gatana, Paro know it well. But the farmers are not in a hurry - they know they will finish their work well in time. With the sound of few power-tillers echoing from the hills, that enclose the village located below Dzongdaka monastery, Gatana farmers say that what they did in a week's time in the past can now be done in a day. Behind all their confidence is the power-tiller, what many farmers call the farmer's norbu (precious jewel). What was once considered a status symbol has become a practical necessity to farmers all over the country. It is, in the words of one of the first power-tiller owners in Paro, Tshering Pem, an "agent of change' in Bhutanese farming. Tshering Pem, 68, recalls the first day when her late husband, a former gup brought home a power-tiller in 1981. "All my neighbours came with tea and khadar to celebrate the occasion. I didn't know why then,' she said with a contented smile. "I do now. It became so significant in my life,' added the successful farmer. A multipurpose machine - from fetching water to ploughing fields to ferrying people About a kilometre below Tshering Pem's house, the Agriculture Machinery Centre is hosting another significant function. The Japanese government is handing over 179 power-tillers to the centre under the KRII grant, which will travel to various dzongkhags to make a difference in the lives of farmers. "Nothing can beat the power-tiller,' says farmer Lhamu in Lobesa. "From fetching water to ploughing fields to ferrying people, it can do it all,' says Lhamu. "Without it, farming would be difficult or, at least, different.' Many farmers like Lhamu feel that farming would indeed be difficult without power tillers. One of the immediate benefits, according to farmer Thanka, was that it solved the problem of labour shortage. "With every parent knowing the value of education, there were no hands left to help on the farm,' said the former gup. "Power-tillers came as a blessing. It can do both men's and women's work. Moreover, it can do 20 men's work in a day.' Aum Tshering Pem recalls how her neighbors relied on her power-tiller to help them. "It was like magic as it tilled terrace after terrace within minutes,' she says. "Many people stopped their work and watched it for hours.' A prosperous farmer, Aum Tshering Pem says the power-tiller is more valuable than her Toyota land cruiser. Farmers run short of adjectives when asked how power-tillers changed their lives. According to one of the early owners in Paro, Gup Dep Dorji in Shari, for many farmers, they are valued more than their parents. "There are no words to describe how it helped Bhutanese farmers,' he says. Dorji bought his tiller in 1987 and boasts that it still works fine. "The greatest thing the tiller brought to farmers was that it relieved both men and women of their drudgery,' he says. "It's a multipurpose machine. I'd prefer it to a truck.' Dorji has a long list of what the tiller can do, and says that it enhanced farmer's income from cash and food crops and made many self sufficient. "From the same area of land, yields are almost doubled when a tiller is used,' he says. AMC officials say that a power-tiller can till 1 to 1.5 acres of land in a day. "That would be the work of four pairs of bulls,' said the official. A power tiller can plough, transplant rice, thresh paddy, and pump water, besides doing many other domestic work. Aum Tshering Pem's village, with about 30 households, has now about 15 power-tillers. AMC's administrative officer, Wangchuk, who served with the centre since its inception in 1984, says that he has witnessed a sea-change since the machine's intervention in Bhutanese farming. "It has helped farmers improve yield, save cost, and lessened drudgery,' he says. "Today, it has become indispensable in farming.' The tillers from the KRII grant are sold at a subsidized rate to farmers. However, the cost of one has gone up from Nu 19,500 in 1983 to about Nu 112,000 now. Wangchuk said that the centre tied up with Bhutan Development Finance Corporation to lend farmers money to purchase the machines. "Today, farmers buy, even paying cash down,' he says. According to the centre's engineer, Kinga Norbu, because of the demand, distribution is done to ensure that every dzongkhag gets the machine. He said that Paro, Punakha, Wangduephodrang have the highest demand, but preference is given to farmers' groups. The demand for power-tillers is so high that a few private firms have started importing them from China and India. Paro has the highest number of power tillers at 458, followed by Punakha with 241, and Wangdue with 221. Remote dzongkhags like Zhemgang have 40 and Gasa 34. Yesterday, at the handing-over ceremony, the programme director of the centre, Chetem Wangchen, said that the popularity of the tiller has become evident with a huge surge in demand. More than 800 farmers have already applied for tillers since last year. From 30 sold in the first lot in 1983, AMC has distributed 2,180 to date. Meanwhile, the list of the KRII grant, the 20th instalment, was handed over to the agriculture secretary, Sherub Gyeltshen, by Mr Keizo Takewaka, minister, Japanese Embassy in New Delhi, India. At the ceremony, the minister commended the agriculture ministry for their policy in mechanizing agriculture and said that the Japanese government was happy to see their assistance put to best use in Bhutan. "We're happy to see that our assistance is helping the development of agriculture and rural farmers,' said Mr Keizo Takewaka. The agriculture secretary, Sherub Gyeltshen said that the KRII grant is an unprecedented and unique grant from the Japanese government in achieving Bhutan's food self sufficiency policy and developing agriculture. "The grant has benefitted Bhutanese farmers, especially when most are dependent on agriculture, farmlands are located in difficult terrain and when there is an acute shortage of farm labour,' he said. Back in Gatana, two men are taking their power-tiller home after a day's work. "I've made Nu 3,000 from hiring out my tiller today,' says the proud owner of the tiller. "It will be enough for my daughter's shopping when she goes back to school.' By Ugyen Penjore ugyenpen@kuensel.com.bt
<div> <div class="viewer">On June 12th, <a target="_blank" title="//articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2011-06-12/india/29649545_1_land-acquisition-forest-clearance-environmental-clearance" href="http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2011-06-12/india/29649545_1_land-acquisition-forest-clearance-environmental-clearance" class="externalLink">Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh made national
<p><span style="font-size:14px;"><strong>Sethusamudram ship canal project</strong></span></p> <p><img alt="" src="http://www.indiaenvironmentportal.org.in/files/country/srilanka/sethusamudaram_hl.jpg" style="border-width: 2px; border-style: solid;" /></p> <p><span class="bodytext">Sethusamudram Ship Canal Project started by the government of India has many adverse effects on Sri Lanka . It is already proved that both India and Sri Lanka will undergo massive environmental damage as a direct result of this project. </span></p>
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